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National context

Sweden has a history of being a homogeneous society, based on the principle of one people and one faith, represented by the Lutheran majority church. Still today nearly 80 percent of the Swedish population belongs to this church, even though formally state and church were separated in the year 2000.
The separation had its background in a gradual loosening of the relationship from the mid-19th century and onwards. During the first decades of the 20th century the social basis for Swedish homogeneity was moved from the church towards social politics. The idea was launched of the population being a family, for which Swedish society was the home. The Swedish welfare state was built after the Second World War, based on the idea of ‘the home of the people’ (folkhemsidén). The basic principles of universality and equality ruling the home were gradually extended to include both sexes. Since the 1970s Sweden has adopted gender equality as an official policy promoted by laws and political campaigns.

Basic values behind the Swedish welfare state have been put under increasing pressure during recent years for a number of reasons, immigration being one. By the end of 2003 12 percent of the Swedish residents were born in another country and 22 percent had a foreign background (born in another country or with at least one parent born abroad). This ethnic diversity has been naturally accompanied by a growing religious plurality, dominated by other Christian denominations, but also by a significant group of Muslims. More and more Sweden presents itself as a multicultural society. Integration policies have however not always turned out as intended and especially the welfare of the immigrated population from other than European countries is an increasingly acute challenge. Structural discrimination based on ethnic background, leading to exclusion of large groups of the population from welfare services, is an officially recognised problem. A major aspect of this discrimination is related to the labour market with great difficulties, especially for non-European immigrants, in acquiring a job. Geographic segregation, with whole areas being dominated by immigrants, is another issue of debate.

The Swedish welfare model is based on the state and local authorities guaranteeing the basic needs of all citizens. Recent challenges towards the welfare system have however led to a growing political interest in the potential contributions of non-profit organisations, and among them religious organisations.

Case study

The case study is conducted in Gävle, a town situated in central Sweden, close to the Baltic sea, with about 90 000 inhabitants, of which nine percent are born abroad.

National context

French society is based on the notion of citizenship, which is principally a legal, abstract notion, enabling the conception of equality between unequal individuals. Within this context, in very general terms particular characteristics (regional, ethnic, religious, sexual etc.) are considered a part of private life, and individuality is set in opposition to citizenship and its universalism.

According to updated Esping-Andersen’s typology, France is a corporate welfare-state. French politics have engaged in efforts to finance social welfare security for a long time (pensions, unemployment, healthcare, etc.), without any success. The number of requests for social welfare assistance has risen, whereas public resources have shrunk. Meanwhile, redistribution of social expenses is regularly criticised.

Thanks to welfare provisions, women have gained autonomy within the family structure, but they are dependent on the welfare system. Thus, they are more vulnerable in periods of economic crisis (restrictions of the welfare budget), especially immigrant women. The questions of equality between men and women in all areas are now prevalent in public discourse, as set in the law on parity (on June 28th 1999), which grants equal access to electoral mandates and elective functions to both women and men.
By passing the law of 1905 establishing the French version of secularism, laïcité, the French Republic has divided what was part of religious practice from other ‘social’ aspects of religion, such as the social link function. Under such circumstances, religion is not considered as a welfare factor in France. But the actual application of the law of 1905 has been more flexible than the general principles that it stipulates. 62 percent of the French population surveyed in 2003 was Catholic but only 12,8 percent of this group practice regularly. Six percent was Muslim and two percent Protestant.

Islam is a relatively recent presence in France and is directly linked to immigration (unqualified workers and also former colonial subjects), especially from North Africa after World War II. The current debate is all about whether the assimilation of Islam in laïcité is possible or not. The number of immigrants is stable since 1976. In 1999 they represented 7,4 percent (39,3 percent from Africa, 44,9 percent from Europe) of the whole population living in metropolitan France.

Any French citizen benefits from the same rights, whatever his/her ethnic or religious affiliation. But the existence of ethnic discriminations was recently proved. For approximately a year, a new debate has divided French politics: the positive discrimination policy.

Case study

The study will take place in Evreux (total population 54 076), located in Upper Normandy, 100 km northwest of Paris. One of the features of Evreux is its very dense industrial aspect, which has been highly affected by the present crisis, weakening especially the immigrant minority groups from Africa.

National context

At the first glance Italy seems to be a highly homogenous country from the religious point of view: according to official statistics, 90 percent of Italians belong to the Catholic Church; this large majority is however internally heterogeneous. The ways of being Catholic vary considerably: Italian Catholicism is characterised by sharp divergences in its cultural and political currents.

However, this surface picture is now changing. During the last 30 years Italy has gradually become a country of immigration: in 2005 foreigners regularly residing in Italy were around 2,800 000 (4,8 percent of the total population). The presence of immigrants in Italy is characterised by a high level of heterogeneity in terms of countries of origin. In 2004 the five nationalities with the largest presence were Romanians, Albanians, Moroccans, Ukrainians and Chinese. The religious diversity is explained by the growing presence of Muslims, Eastern Orthodox Christians and Pentecostal Protestants.

Welfare in Italy has mixed traits: it is universalistic on the level of healthcare and education, while it becomes occupational when it comes to the social insurance system. In general services are not provided directly, but take instead the form of an allocation of monetary resources which are usually directed more towards families rather than individuals. The central role of the family as the basis of Italian society is sanctioned by the constitution: ‘the family’, founded on marriage, has the husband as the main breadwinner and the wife as the main provider of carework. It can therefore be defined as a familist welfare system, since the family has been able to compensate for the lack of public social policies. The current employment of immigrant workforce in the field of personal assistance is indeed due to the lack of state intervention as well as to the growing presence of the female component in the labour market.

The welfare model is facing new challenges: scarcity of resources, the decentralisation and new demands for social policies. The growing role played by local territorial institutions in providing social services (as, for example, nursery schools) is accompanied by the increasing importance of the non profit sector. This process is legitimised by the Catholic Church itself which promotes ‘subsidiarity’. This concept entails a strengthening of intermediate bodies (beginning from the family) in the implementation of social policies, and sees state intervention only as a last resort. The church-related non-profit organisations are demonstrating the capacity of working in all sectors of social intervention, especially regarding the immigrants. Nevertheless the intervention of Catholic – but also lay – organisations leads to the fragmentation of the policies.

The decentralisation of welfare policies shapes conflicting welfare models: for example some regions promote gender equality policies while others promote more familistic policies, thus shaping different gender relationship models. Nevertheless the gender issue is not present in the public debate in terms of the distribution of meagre welfare resources.

Case study

The field study will take place in Padua, a town (about 200 000 inhabitants) in the North East part of Italy, 40 km from Venice. It is a university town (about 60 000 students) characterised by the presence of 18 000 foreign citizens (8,7 percent), coming mainly from Romania, Moldova, Albania and Nigeria.

National context

For centuries Poland had been a relatively diverse country in terms of religion and ethnicity, but after World War II it became almost homogenous: currently both national and religious minorities constitute 2–3 percent of the society. None of the largest national minorities (Belorussian, German, Ukrainian) exceeds 500 000.
The ‘religious market’ is theoretically varied and includes denominations practically from every religious tradition, but those minorities are usually small and of little significance in the public life. The interlinked identity ‘The Pole-the Catholic’ is commonly perceived as highly relevant. The Roman Catholic Church is not officially established as a state church, but maintains an important position in the society and is very visible in public life, though internally it is highly diverse and its role has changed after 1989.
That year was a turning point through which Poland entered a process of in-depth political, economic and social changes. This transformational period is still under way. Moreover, Polish accession to the European Union has also had significant and profound consequences. Therefore, the situation within practically every dimension of public life is not stabilised: political, religious and gender relations are still shaping.

The welfare system faces huge challenges as well. Under the communist regime the state was the distributor of almost all welfare services. Although the quality of the services was often low, as was the level of financial benefits, they were provided practically for all members of the society. The conviction that the state should ensure social security is deep-rooted at least in some milieus. Nevertheless, although in some sectors of the welfare system there are still some remnants of communism, the effect of reforms undertaken after 1989 is the creation of a ‘public-private mix’. Private sector, non-governmental organisations and religious associations increasingly take part in welfare provision. Especially the Roman-Catholic Church, though it does not have an official role, is very active. This is socially accepted and – moreover – expected.

Generally, within the welfare system there are no significant problems concerning minorities. The Gypsies are a special case. On the one hand, they are especially exposed to discrimination. On the other, they are the subject of special care from the state and some non-governmental organisations, who support the Gypsies both financially and by special programs meant to improve their adaptation within the society.

Currently, there is no efficient policy concerning women. Although gender equality within politics, labour market etc. is guaranteed by law and supported by additional acts, in reality women still have a weaker position. Some contemporary projects (also within the welfare system) which are theoretically meant to improve their situation, may have the opposite effect. The situation is difficult inasmuch as gender relations are under permanent transformation. The year 1989 influenced this sphere also through a sudden decline of women’s participation in the public life. During recent few years we witness their slow ‘comeback’.

Case study

The research will take place in Przemy´sl (population of 68 000), situated in the South-East Poland, very near to the Ukrainian border. It is inhabited by Ukrainian and Gypsy minorities; there are religious minorities as well: Greek Catholics, the Orthodox and various denominations deriving from Protestant tradition. The city lies in one of the poorest regions of the European Union.

National context

Croatia is a religiously homogenous society with one majority church. Because of its special role in Croatian history the Catholic Church has distinctive status. The Holy See and Croatia signed four agreements in 1996 and 1998 by which the Catholic Church regulated different aspects of its social roles and functions. Many other religious communities have also regulated their social position by agreements with the state. According to number of acknowledged nationalities Croatia is one of the most multicultural East European countries, but their actual number is not high. As religious and national identity in Croatia are strongly interweaved, relation to minorities was one of the main issues during the transition in Croatia, because of the process of dissolution of Yugoslavia and war on the territory of former Yugoslavia. Croatia is a country with high emigration which has been mainly connected with political processes. Debates about immigration have just started to dominate the public agenda.

During the transition period gender questions became marginalised in the public sphere. Women represent 51,5 percent of population, their share in employment amounts to 45 percent, and there is a three time higher possibility for women to be without any income than men. Women have also a larger share in poverty. Despite attempts for promotion of a traditional image of women in society which insists on the role of women as wives, mothers and house-keepers, the image of emancipated women has spread as well. From the beginning of the 2000s there were several official steps for promotion of a new policy of equality between women and men.

Croatia has faced many problems (the Homeland War, the fall of GDP, unemploy-ment, etc.) in the transition period. The post-communist transformation has wit-nessed on the one hand remarkable continuity in the statutory welfare provisions, but on the other hand non-regulated or partially planned privatisation in almost all welfare fields. The family is still the most important source of services and the public welfare sector is mainly a female sector. As the role of the non-profit sector is a relatively new phenomenon its significance in the welfare sector is still of a limited importance. There are several challenges to the welfare system in a near future: including negative natural increase of population and the low fertility rate, work in illegal or unregulated sector, future migration trends, and living conditions of pensioners. Work on Sundays, poverty and income inequality, violence against women and sexual harassing against children are currently high on the public agenda.

The Croatian welfare system was mainly established during the communist period. Because of that it is basically secular and detached from the Church. In the communist period the Catholic Church organised some welfare activities, while the post-communist state gave possibilities for more visible public presence to all churches. The largest humanitarian organisation of the Catholic Church is the Croatian Caritas, which tends to transform itself to a modern organization which performs activities at the level of civil society and tries to establish partnerships with other civil society organisations.

Case study

The study will take place in Sisak, a town situated in central Croatia, with 52 236 in-habitants (according the Census 2001). Sisak is ethnically heterogeneous town with 83,09 percent Croats and 17 percent members of minority groups (including mainly Serbs, Roma, Bosnians, Albanians, and Czechs).

Professor Siniša Zrinšak
sinisa.zrinscak@zg.htnet.hr

Marija Geiger
Researcher for the Croatian case
marija.geiger@gmail.com

National context

The geographical location of Latvia puts it into a very advantageous position on the crossroads between east and west. This position has had different effects on the development of the country. On the one hand, it has facilitated trade and relationships with other countries. On the other hand, the territory of Latvia has always been a target for acquisition by the biggest powers of the Baltic Sea region (most notably Germany, Russia, Poland and Sweden).

As a result, Latvia has been exposed to influences from different cultures and religions. The first independent state of Latvia was established only in 1918, and more than 20 percent of the population were people with foreign ethnic origin. This situation lasted until the World War II, when Latvia was occupied by and annexed to the Soviet Union.
The Soviet period has had a particularly strong impact on Latvian society with its emphasis on collectivism, brotherhood among the friendly nations, commitment to total employment, universal social coverage, complete gender equality, planned economy, and denial of religion. Forced immigration was yet another aspect of Soviet policy aiming to ensure that Latvia and other Baltic states are tied with Russia through the significant population of ethnic Slavs.

After regaining the independence in 1991 Latvia has made huge efforts to return to the pre-war traditions and to restore market economy. Many reforms have been carried out in order to be able to join the European Union in 2004.

General movement towards reliance on the market forces has also affected the welfare sector. The burden of social responsibility is now put on the individual and his or her ability to succeed in the market. The state tends to provide minimal support, but it does not hesitate to invite other actors like the family, non-profit organisations, and the church to contribute to the social welfare.

The ethnic situation in the country represents the aggregate of its history. Traditional ethnic minorities together with immigrants from the Soviet era constitute around 42 percent of the population. Issues related to ethnic minorities and integration policies are high on the political agenda and have led to explicit conflicts.
Ethnic diversity finds its expression in religion also. There are more than 30 registered religious movements in Latvia, and the number is increasing. However, the Christian religions (in particular, Lutheran, Catholic and Orthodox Church) are still dominant. Religion is regarded primarily as a private matter and the church is separated from the state. Relations among religions in Latvian society are generally amicable.

Latvia has never hesitated to recognise gender equality and has always displayed willingness to incorporate it into legislation. Significant improvements have been made in the labour code and other legal acts. The challenge however is to ensure that these norms and ideals also work in practice, which is a typical problem for the countries that are still developing.

Case study

The case study will be conducted in Ogre, a town situated in the central part of Latvia, 36 km east of Riga (the capital of Latvia). The town has about 29 000 inhabitants, representing different ethnic backgrounds. The Soviet period has had the most prominent impact on the ethnic composition, since many immigrants originally come from the former Soviet republics. All three major religions are active in this town. New religious movements are also present there, as well as Jehovah’s Witnesses.

National context

The Romanian modern state was formed by unification of two principalities, Moldova and Walachia, in 1859. In 1918 the Romanian Kingdom became one of the largest countries in Eastern Europe, including the provinces of Moldova, Walachia and Transylvania. The Unification of all Romanian Territories was deeply influenced by the representatives of the Orthodox Church, particularly by the Patriarch Miron Cristea, who contributed to unification of Transylvania with Romania. Including in its structure three historical regions – Moldova, Transylvania and Old Kingdom – contemporary Romania inherited also this diversity: a large Protestant and Catholic minority in Transylvania, a Catholic minority in Bucovina and Muslims in the Old Kingdom. Conscious about the importance of the religion in the state but also concerned about diplomatic relationships, the Romanian Patriarch Miron Cristea organised in 1933 in Romania the Regional Conference of The World Alliance for the brotherhood of the people through the Church. Therefore, the tradition of the ecumenical movement dates back to this point in Romanian history.

Otherwise, the Orthodox Romanian Church, a majority church (86,8 percent), was characterised by the population of Romania in 2005 as the most trusted institution in the state. Religious minorities of migrants in Romania are small in number. The largest part of young population is emigrating from Romania to work abroad. The welfare system in the Orthodox Church, ‘Cristiana’, is a recent structure, organised after the Catholic model of ‘Caritas’. The role of Romanian Orthodox Church is more spiritual: the Church offers moral support in hospitals, in correction schools or prisons, and to soldiers in the foreign missions. Its role is to educate and to assist.

In the aftermath of the 1989 Revolution, Romania is confronted with many social and welfare problems, inherited from the communist regime. The most challenging problem is the situation of Roma (gypsy) minority. Many of them do not have documents, and without legal support they cannot benefit from social assistance programs. The Romanian unemployment rate is fairly high; this is why the young population of the country is emigrating to EU countries for work (the most popular destinations are Italy, Spain, and Germany). Between 1998 and 1999, the female unemployment rate had increased from 10,5 percent to 11,4 percent, and as of April 2000, it was 11,2 percent. The Romanian government is advancing special reforms and strategies of development especially in the employment, social assistance, pensions and health sectors.

The welfare activities of the Church vary from one historical region to another. The Catholic association ‘Caritas’ is represented by four centres in Transylvania, one in Moldova and one in Bucharest. Orthodox associations are not as well organised in terms of structure; they are operating in a decentralised manner, led by individual local bishops.

Case study

The study will take place in Medgidia, a city situated near Black Sea, 200 km distance from Bucharest. Its population is 43 634 inhabitants; the Orthodox and the Muslims are the largest religious communities, the age of the population ranges mainly between 25 and 55.

National Context

Britain in general and England in particular has a long history of immigration, not least from former colonies, and has developed a model of multiculturalism based on the recognition of group rights and acceptance of cultural diversity within the nation state. Today the ethnic minority population of England represents around 9 percent of the total population. In some respects the ethnic diversity represented in these figures is also indicative of religious pluralism in the country, although ethnic and religious identities are by no means coterminous. The Muslim population has, in recent years, become a particular focus of both media and political attention, particularly in connection with discussion of terrorism and of the rights and freedoms of women. At nearly 3 percent of the population Muslims make up half of the non-Christian religious population in Britain; however, this emphasis can easily obscure the fact that many other religious groups are well represented in the population, not least Hindus, Sikhs and Jews.
The law relating to religion has been slow to respond to increasing religious diversity and the Established Church, the Anglican Church of England, remains the only faith community with a particular legal status and protection. About half of the population consider themselves members of the Church of England and it retains responsibilities and privileges towards the population as a whole at both national and local levels, despite the fact that a much smaller number regularly attend the worship services of the Church.

The Anglican Theological tradition has interpreted the role of the Church in society as twofold: providing practical support for the needy at the local level and at the same time contributing a critical voice to national debate. Today this includes an element of representation of all denominations and faith communities in the wider debate and in a number of societal institutions, such as hospitals and prisons.

Welfare provision is built around a welfare state which provides basic care for all, but which assumes the existence of voluntary and independent bodies. This system continues to come under both financial and ideological pressure, in particular in the fields of health care, care for the elderly and pensions. Here as in other areas women are particularly affected both as carers and as recipients of welfare services. Despite a historical focus within the system on the alleviation of poverty, gaps in income, health and welfare continue to widen and official policy determining equal access to welfare is unsuccessful in preventing inequality at the level of service provision. Here geographical inequalities often correspond to the spread of minority groups in the country. The search for a solution to th ese problems has resulted in increasing separation between responsibility for service provision and delivery and growing interest from authorities in partnerships with business and non-profit organisations. Meanwhile, a tightening at policy level of the connection between activity in the labour market and access to welfare and pension rights also has a notable impact on women.

Case Study

The case study will be carried out in Darlington in the North East of England. Of the population of about 98 000 only a small minority have been born outside of the UK, making the town a suitable location for a study of minority presence outside of the major urban areas of the country.

National context

Finland represents the Nordic social democratic welfare model of a strong public sector, tax funding, and equal treatment. Gender equality has been central. The background of the social democratic welfare model lies particularly in the long tradition of political democracy, the Lutheran version of Christianity, the long history of social-democratic political values and strong will and ability for social and national integration. A majority (85 percent) of Finns represent Lutheranism, which is considered a part of the Finnish identity.

The status of the Evangelical Lutheran Church has gradually changed from a state church to a folk church already in the second half of the 19th century, and the Church has an independent relation to the Finnish state. The Lutheran Church as well as the other folk church, the Orthodox Church (one percent of Finns are members), nevertheless have duties that could be performed by either the state or the local government, and based on its public rights in state legislation, the Church is entitled to collect taxes. The social role of the Church has remained active after the depression in the 1990’s when its social work oriented increasingly towards the unemployed and people with financial and mental health problems – and the Church has also remained active in the early part of the 21st century. The Church offers its services for all people, notwithstanding of their religious or cultural background.

Finland is homogenous also concerning ethnic minorities as the refugee and immigration policy has kept the number of foreigners fairly low. Immigrants representing over 40 nations form merely 2,2 percent of the total population, Russians and Estonians being the biggest groups. All Finnish citizens and people who live permanently in Finland have the same rights to welfare services. Problems in refugee politics are related mainly to the long handling period of applications which can take even years. A person waiting for this decision is entitled only to limited welfare services.

Women’s status has been strengthened by the Finnish social security system and the possibility of reconciling family life with waged work. Nevertheless, for example income equality and the unequal division of short-term employment are still substantial problems. The amount of women subjected to domestic violence is also higher in Finland than the average of industrialized countries and NGO’s have called special attention to trafficking. Single men, on the other hand, are the main beneficiaries of minimum income security.

Case study

The Finnish case study will be conducted in Lahti, a town with about 98 000 inhabitants. The town is located 100 km north of the capital Helsinki. Lahti has undergone rapid and troublesome economic changes during the last decades. The main source of livelihood consists of services, and the majority of the employees of the municipality consist of social and health care workers (53,9 percent). The Lahti parishes have a tradition of engaging in social work. Lahti was chosen for the study due to containing examples of all major issues of this project. It is also rather representative of Finland as regards socio-demographic variables. The relation between the expectations of the local church, inhabitants and state authorities will be of special interest as well as the forms of networking and co-operation between the church, local municipality, and other organisations.

National context

Until recently Norway was a fairly homogeneous country both ethnically and religiously. National minorities are Jews, Kven (people of Finnish descent living in northern Norway), Roma/Gypsies, the Romani people/Travellers and Skogfinn (people of Finnish descent living in southern Norway). In addition, the Sami minority is an indigenous people. They constitute less than one percent of the total population in Norway. Of modern immigrants people with Pakistani and Swedish origin are the numerically most significant.

Approximately 86 percent of the population are members of the Lutheran state church, the Church of Norway. Almost 9 percent of the Norwegian population are members of religious and philosophical communities outside the Church of Norway, of which Muslim communities and the Human Ethical Union are the largest.
Norway is reputed to be one of the best countries in the world for women in terms of gender equality. A Gender Equality Act was adopted in 1978 and prohibits all discrimination on the grounds of gender and is applicable to all areas of society. At the same time the labour market in Norway is extremely segregated. But women hold central positions in all parts of the political system. With regard to gender equality it becomes more complicated when we consider minority groups: Norway is less satisfactory to live in for women who are not ethnically Norwegian.

The Norwegian welfare model, like the Swedish, is based on the understanding that the state and local authorities should guarantee the basic needs of all citizens. The main objective has been to create conditions for an equitable distribution of public resources. This welfare policy includes the promotion of equality between women and men. Unemployment rates are low for both women and men.

In the Norwegian welfare model a ‘contract culture’ is appearing, which implies privatisation and a step back by the state from its traditional field of responsibility. It tends to reduce the function of the state as a provider of welfare but increases its control function. This change and others have caused welfare researchers to claim that the welfare model is under pressure. The changes have resulted in a growing political interest in creating opportunities for non-profit and for profit organisations to contribute to the development of welfare society, including Church-based organisations.

The Lutheran tradition of the Church has, traditionally, meant that the state should take responsibility for the material welfare of its citizens, but social/diaconal work has for a long time contributed significantly to the production of welfare services, usually as an integrated part of public schemes.

Case study

The case study will be conducted in Drammen, which is an old port, industrial town and commercial centre in the south-eastern part of Norway, only some 40 km south of the capital, Oslo, with 57 000 inhabitants. Drammen has the second largest population of immigrants with non-western background in Norway relative to the total population, of which the Turkish group is by far the largest and makes up about 3 000 persons. The second group is those with background from Pakistan. Both groups have organised themselves in local cultural and other forms of associations. Immigrants make up about 16 percent of the total population.

(The same text also appears on the pop-up for the Heidelberg centre.)

National Context

The bi-confessional religious status of Germany is shaping German society. There is no majority church but two folk churches, which are almost of equal size. Since German reunification, the religious situation has become tripartite: one third of the population belongs to the Roman Catholic Church, one third to the Protestant Church, and one third is officially not registered as members of any religion. The last group includes about 3,3 million Muslims living in Germany. Though the state and the churches are formally separated, the two folk churches had and continue to have a considerable influence on certain areas of the society, such as education or welfare.

The German social state has often been described as conservative-corporatist. In addition to the system of compulsory social insurances there is a guaranteed right to public social assistance. A specialty of the German social system is the cooperation of public and independent welfare organisations in the field of welfare provision. Among the independent welfare organisations the two church-related organisations, the Catholic Caritas and the Protestant Diakonie, play the most important role. From a gender perspective Germany can be labelled as a male breadwinner regime. In many respects taxation and social laws presuppose that women fulfil the social duties of the family within a family orientated system. Currently, the German social state is under reform. The reforms change even present characteristics of the welfare regime, like the family orientation or the privileged position of the independent welfare organisations.

Even though 9 percent of all inhabitants do not have a German passport there is no common agreement within society that Germany has become a multicultural country influenced by immigration. Integration policy is still fragmentary. Furthermore, passing on German citizenship is based on jus sanguinis (‘right of blood’).

In the 1950s and 1960s foreign workers from Southern Europe were recruited for the expanding German industry. They were expected to return to their home countries when they were not needed any longer. Today third or fourth generation of these immigrants is growing up in Germany. Many of them live together in segregated parts of the cities. The folk churches are shrinking, while the Muslim minority is growing. Present public debates about the Islam seem to focus on issues such as gender discrimination, political danger and social conflicts. Gender debates in particular show that gender conflicts are often connected to family and role models represented by immigrants living in Germany in a one-sided way.

Case Study I, Reutlingen

The case study takes place in Reutlingen, an industrial town in transition, situated in the prosperous Stuttgart region in Baden-Württemberg. Almost 16 percent of the 110 000 inhabitants do not have a German passport. In addition, many immigrants with German origins (from Eastern Europe and the former USSR) reside in the city. The immigrants living in Reutlingen come from 125 different states. The most numerous groups among them are Turkish and Greek citizens.

Case Study II, Schweinfurt

The case study is conducted in Schweinfurt, an old industrial town in Northern Bavaria. In recent years, the town has seen fundamental demographical changes and has become multireligious and multicultural. Its 55 000 inhabitants include approx. 10 000 Russian emigrants with German origins and 7 500 immigrants, among them ca. 3 000 inhabitants with Turkish background (now third or forth generation). The town also accommodates a US-military base with 12 000–15 000 soldiers and family members.

(The same text also appears on the pop-up for the Wurzburg centre.)

National Context

The bi-confessional religious status of Germany is shaping German society. There is no majority church but two folk churches, which are almost of equal size. Since German reunification, the religious situation has become tripartite: one third of the population belongs to the Roman Catholic Church, one third to the Protestant Church, and one third is officially not registered as members of any religion. The last group includes about 3,3 million Muslims living in Germany. Though the state and the churches are formally separated, the two folk churches had and continue to have a considerable influence on certain areas of the society, such as education or welfare.

The German social state has often been described as conservative-corporatist. In addition to the system of compulsory social insurances there is a guaranteed right to public social assistance. A specialty of the German social system is the cooperation of public and independent welfare organisations in the field of welfare provision. Among the independent welfare organisations the two church-related organisations, the Catholic Caritas and the Protestant Diakonie, play the most important role. From a gender perspective Germany can be labelled as a male breadwinner regime. In many respects taxation and social laws presuppose that women fulfil the social duties of the family within a family orientated system. Currently, the German social state is under reform. The reforms change even present characteristics of the welfare regime, like the family orientation or the privileged position of the independent welfare organisations.

Even though 9 percent of all inhabitants do not have a German passport there is no common agreement within society that Germany has become a multicultural country influenced by immigration. Integration policy is still fragmentary. Furthermore, passing on German citizenship is based on jus sanguinis (‘right of blood’).

In the 1950s and 1960s foreign workers from Southern Europe were recruited for the expanding German industry. They were expected to return to their home countries when they were not needed any longer. Today third or fourth generation of these immigrants is growing up in Germany. Many of them live together in segregated parts of the cities. The folk churches are shrinking, while the Muslim minority is growing. Present public debates about the Islam seem to focus on issues such as gender discrimination, political danger and social conflicts. Gender debates in particular show that gender conflicts are often connected to family and role models represented by immigrants living in Germany in a one-sided way.

Case Study I, Reutlingen

The case study takes place in Reutlingen, an industrial town in transition, situated in the prosperous Stuttgart region in Baden-Württemberg. Almost 16 percent of the 110 000 inhabitants do not have a German passport. In addition, many immigrants with German origins (from Eastern Europe and the former USSR) reside in the city. The immigrants living in Reutlingen come from 125 different states. The most numerous groups among them are Turkish and Greek citizens.

Case Study II, Schweinfurt

The case study is conducted in Schweinfurt, an old industrial town in Northern Bavaria. In recent years, the town has seen fundamental demographical changes and has become multireligious and multicultural. Its 55 000 inhabitants include approx. 10 000 Russian emigrants with German origins and 7 500 immigrants, among them ca. 3 000 inhabitants with Turkish background (now third or forth generation). The town also accommodates a US-military base with 12 000–15 000 soldiers and family members.

National context

Greece was until recently a highly ethnically and religiously homogenous society, and is now struggling to come to grips with a very different reality of one-tenth non-Greek population. Religious and national identity are deep-seated in Greece and they are strongly interlinked. This fact is buttressed by the privileged position of the Orthodox Church in relation to the state. Within this context, social inclusion of minorities (religious and ethnic) is a formidable problem area in Greece. Most of Greece’s minorities are immigrants and relatively recent arrivals in Greece, following the collapse of the Soviet bloc (mainly from Albania, Bulgaria, Romania and Poland); more recently, Muslim migrant inflows have come from the Middle East and North Africa.

A traditionally patriarchal society is gradually transforming as more women enter the workforce. This has led to new gaps in care for children and the elderly – gaps which are increasingly filled by immigrant women. Thus, immigration serves to support equality for Greek women in terms of employment patterns, whilst working conditions for the immigrant women are often poor and, in many cases, worse than in their home countries. Increasingly publicly, Greece is facing the problems of human trafficking and sex trade, particularly of women and children from eastern Europe.

The Greek welfare state is weak and late in developing. It is characterised by fragmentation and clientelism, resulting in large-scale inequities. Compared with EU averages Greece has a higher unemployment rate (especially amongst youth); a more unequal income distribution; a lower female participation in the labour force; and heavy dependence on the Greek family structure as a social safety net. The system suffers from gridlock in reforms as these are heavily contended in the public debate. Pension, social security and health care reform are currently high on the policy agenda. Given the urgency for reform in the system as a whole, policies towards gender equality and on minority welfare fall behind on the priority list.
Within this framework, the welfare activities of the Church are generally welcomed and relatively successful, though on a small scale. The Church’s welfare work is decentralised (each diocese runs its own welfare programme); it is also very much based on individual initiative of the local bishop, local clerics and individual parish members. The welfare activities of the Church thus vary significantly across Greece.

Case study

The study will take place in Thiva and Livadeia, 85 and 135 km northwest of Athens respectively (total population 43 000). The towns have a mixture of native and immigrant minority groups, the latter mainly from Albania and Pakistan, as well as Romania, Bulgaria and Russia, and working mainly in the agricultural sector and in construction.